Attitudes toward students taking a gap

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Attitudes toward students taking a gap

Hanushek sits down with Paul E. Peterson to discuss the influence of the Coleman Report on the Education Next podcast. This article is part of a new Education Next series commemorating the 50th anniversary of James S. Remarkably, this page tome, prepared 50 years ago by seven authors under the leadership of James S.

Coleman, still gets a steady Google Scholar citations per year. But since its publication, views of what the report says have diverged, and conclusions about its policy implications have differed even more sharply.

It is therefore appropriate—from the Olympian vantage point a half century provides—not only to assess the Coleman findings and conclusions but also to consider how and where they have directed the policy conversation. It must be said from the outset that the Coleman team relied on a methodology that was becoming antiquated at the time the document was prepared.

Almost immediately, econometricians offered major critiques of its approach. But even with these limitations, as an education-policy research document, the report was breathtakingly innovative, the foundation for decades of ever-improving inquiry into the design and impact of the U. Outside the scientific research community, the Coleman Report had, if anything, an even broader impact.

Partly reflecting the nature of the document, not all of them agreed on which of the findings to emphasize. Later, two other, more lasting conclusions attributed to the report gradually emerged: I focus on these two conclusions.


The greater significance of the Coleman Report—what makes it a foundational document for education policy research—lies not in any of these interpretations or conclusions, however. More importantly, it fundamentally altered the lens through which analysts, policymakers, and the public at large view and assess schools.

The act gave the U. Office of Education two years to produce a report that was expected to describe the inequality of educational opportunities in elementary and secondary education across the United States.

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But Congress, and the nation, got something very different from what most people expected. Working quickly as soon as the Civil Rights Act was signed into law, the Coleman research team drew a sample of over 4, schools, which yielded data on slightly more than 3, schools and somestudents in grades 1, 3, 6, 9, and The team asked students, teachers, principals, and superintendents at these schools a wide range of questions.

The study broadened the measures of school quality beyond what policymakers envisioned. The most novel aspect of the study was the assessment of students, who were given a battery of tests of both ability and achievement.

This dizzying pace of research is almost inconceivable at a time when high-speed computers were yet to become available. The focus on hard, quantifiable facts cannot be overemphasized.

It is difficult to find two consecutive pages in the report that do not contain at least one table or figure. In fact, it is easy to find 10 consecutive pages of dense tables or figures. As a result, a large portion of the potential readership was immediately bewildered by statistics, many of which were not commonly employed or broadly understood even within the academic community.

The difficulty of understanding the analysis and its implications was such that Daniel Patrick Moynihan organized a faculty seminar at Harvard that attracted some 80 researchers and met weekly for a year. Even among this erudite group, no clear consensus on what to make of the Coleman Report emerged.

My own participation in this seminar as a graduate student set my entire career to the study of education policy. A Summary After pages of charts, tables, and text, one gets to the enduring summary of the Coleman Report.

Taking all these results together, one implication stands out above all: Wrapped up in this statement are the ambiguities of meaning, the unclear translation into policies, and the inherent questions about analytical underpinnings that have persisted.

For some, they point to the need for desegregation; for others, they suggest that schools do not matter; and for a third group, they highlight the overwhelming importance of the family.

InColeman tells us, the average black 12th grader in the rural South registered an achievement level that was comparable to that of a white 7th grader in the urban Northeast. That gap and other similar performance gaps never received the attention they deserved.

As a result, the Coleman report failed to accomplish one of the key goals that led Congress to commission the report in the first place: That simply happened haltingly in most parts of the country.

In both math and reading, the national test-score gap in was 1. In other words, 87 percent of white 12th graders scored ahead of the average black 12th grader.Homophobia encompasses a range of negative attitudes and feelings toward homosexuality or people who are identified or perceived as being lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender ().

It has been defined as contempt, prejudice, aversion, hatred or antipathy, may be based on irrational fear, and is often related to religious beliefs.. Homophobia is observable in critical and hostile behavior such. To the editor: While pleased with Professor Woessner's overall analysis and the progression of his views and the information he and his spouse report, some of his assumptions should be questioned.

Attitudes toward students taking a gap

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Included: Links to information and resources on the digital divide. The ACT test is a curriculum-based education and career planning tool for high school students that assesses the mastery of college readiness standards.

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